Η Κινεζική οικονομική επιρροή στα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια και η Ελληνική εξωτερική πολιτική
Επιτομή
The economic interaction among China and W. Balkans states (WB6) have become more
intense in the last decade. This interaction focuses mainly on key sectors of economy such as
transportation and energy and aims at the implementation of Belt and Road Initiative using as
a tool the 17+1 regional grouping. The 17+1 Initiative is under Chinese supervision and each
participating state maintains a separate policy portfolio. At the same time, the 17 + 1 Initiative
is attended by both EU Member States from the region of Central and Eastern Europe and
candidate to the EU member states from the region of Western Balkans.
The Chinese “investment refraction” in states with an anemic economy- among these Greece
and WB6- has created deep concerns in Brussels. The negotiations on the Partnership and
Cooperation Agreement have not resulted into a strong institutional framework, which can
ensure that the two partners are equally worthy. On the contrary, EU- China economic relations
often justify that the competitive areas and frictions are increasing. In addition, many EU
member states tend to follow national approaches to their relationship with China, in case to
increase their benefits. The EU has reacted by the (EU) 254/ 2019 Regulation that is referring
on FDI control in key sectors of European economy such as energy, telecommunication,
networks etc. However, a coordinated and unified approach to Beijing is needed but often it is
impossible due to the different member state’s interests.
In this context, the growing economic role of China in the sub-system of the Western Balkans
is highlighted. In particular is underlined the new data that emerge for Greek foreign policy,
both from the implementation of the BRI and from the participation of Greece in the 17 + 1
Initiative. In addition, new data emerge on Greek foreign policy: towards the EU but also to its
northern neighbours.
Therefore, the basic question of this paper is whether the Chinese economic interactions with
member states or candidate member states of EU can adversely affect EU cohesion. The
resulting finding is that where European presence is weakening, Chinese penetration is
expanding rapidly. For this reason, the present paper is structured in four chapters: the first one
analyses the Chinese effort to ensure its economic growth and prominent place in the world
through the implementation of BRI. The second chapter examines the evolution of Sino European and Sino-Greek relations over the last decade. The third chapter gives a detailed
account of Chinese economic penetration in the WB6 and the last one mentions the conclusions from the interaction of the four actors, as well as suggestions for the future action of each one,
in case to ensure a win-win model of cooperation.
The Sino- European relations currently are undergoing a phase of adjustment. The functioning
of 17+1 Initiative and the deeper cooperation among the participating states is rising deep
concerns to Brussels because it is considered as a forum that by promoting the Chinese interests
(either economic or political) breaks down the EU cohesion. As a conclusion, the EU is
deprived of the opportunity to promote a single and strong voice to China both in its economic
claims and international matters.
The EU’s aim is not only to establish strong economic linkages with China. The aim is to draft
a Strategic Partnership and Cooperation Agreement which will be defined by a robust
institutional framework to ensure the involvement of the two partners in a win-win model of
cooperation. That is why the EU insists on the courageous reforms the Chinese leadership
should take in terms of human right, democratization, rule of law, proving finally that China is
not only an economic power but also a systemic actor who respect the norms and rules of the
international system functioning.